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Sociological Research on Obesity and Weight Gain

Sociological Research on Obesity and Weight Gain. Recent Developments and New Directions Ellen Granberg Clemson University, Clemson SC.

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Sociological Research on Obesity and Weight Gain

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  1. Sociological Research on Obesity and Weight Gain Recent Developments and New Directions Ellen Granberg Clemson University, Clemson SC

  2. Counts of articles from major sociology journals: ASR, JHSB, SPQ, Soc of Education, Sociology of Health and Illness, Social Science and Medicine using search terms: BMI, overweight, and obes*

  3. Consequences of Obesity • Sociological research on obesity has typically focused on the consequences of excessive weight rather than the causes. • Emphasized obesity as a stigmatized status characteristic. • Explored differential treatment and differential distribution of valued social resources on the basis of body weight. • Findings reinforce the contingent nature of obesity’s associations and the power of social context to shield overweight persons from stigma.

  4. The Rise of a New “Issue”

  5. African American Adolescents and Obesity • Age adjusted obesity rate among African American women is 48.8% whereas the rate among European American women is about 37% (CDC 2005). • Prevalence of morbid obesity among adult black women has doubled since 1988 (CDC 2005). • Proportion of overweight black adolescents has increased 120% since 1980, about double that of white teens (Swallen et al. 2005). • Underlying contributors are not well understood.

  6. Theoretical Perspectives on Social Location and Health • Social conditions influence health outcomes and mortality. (Link and Phelan 1995; Lutfey and Freese 2005). • Probability of disease risk factors (e.g., diet, activity, smoking). • Fundamental causes of health and illness. • Structure versus Culture • Cultural explanations for health disparities often mask underlying structure causes (Williams and Collins 2001).

  7. Family and Community Health Study -- FACHS • Four wave panel study of the social, emotional, and physical health of African American children and their parents. • 900 families – 1 target child age 10, 1 older sibling, 1 primary caregiver, 1 secondary caregiver (if present in the home). • Experience of African American adolescents growing up outside the urban inner city core. • Families originally lived in rural and suburban Iowa and Georgia. • Included an oversample of middle and upper middle class black families.

  8. Family and Community Health Study • Data collected over four waves: • 1997 (10-11), 1999 (12-14); 2001 (14-16); 2004 -2005(17-20). • Included mental health, family function, and neighborhood function measures. • 2004 wave included a GIS component. • Two additional waves planned. • Health Data: • Self report BMI available in waves 1, 2, and 4. • Dietary intake, physical activity, and sedentary activity measures included in waves 3 and 4. • GIS data being expanded to include access to healthy and unhealthy food resources.

  9. Average BMI Across Waves

  10. Cultural Contributors to Obesity • No longitudinal associations between racial socialization and BMI. • Cross-sectional associations show a negative relationship between cultural education and BMI, for girls only. • Among girls positive ethnic identity at ages 10-12 & 12-14 is negatively associated with obesity at age 17-19 net of BMI at age 10-12. • Among boys, positive ethnic identity at ages 12-14 is positively associated with BMI at age 17-19. Relationships disappears after BMI at age 12-14 included. • Table 1: Association between Ethnic Identity in early adolescence and BMI at age 17:

  11. Possible Structural Contributors to Obesity • Potential structural contributors to obesity among AA teens: • Individual socioeconomic status • Neighborhood socioeconomic status • Neighborhood racial composition • Neighborhood resources • Exposure to racial discrimination

  12. Conceptualizing Structural Contributors to Obesity • 2004 FACHS added a GIS component. • Modeling community context using census data but centered at respondent’s residence. • Obtained residential data from U.S. Bureau of the Census & Department of Health and Human Services. • Modeled a “buffer” around the target’s residence that incorporates multiple block groups. • Obtained counts of commercial food establishments around each target residence. • Distance measured from each target residence to each commercial concern. • Counts of commercial establishments within a specific distance from residence (<.10 miles, <.75 miles, <1.5 miles, etc.)

  13. Structural Contributors to Obesity • Few correlations within the full sample between neighborhood advantage or neighborhood racial composition and body size. • Due to the transience in this age group. • Isolated the sample to respondents who had not moved since the previous wave. • Full Sample: • % white – positively associated with BMI • % Black – negatively associated with BMI • Count of convenience stores with .75 miles marginally associated with overweight.

  14. Structural Contributors to Obesity • Among boys: • Proportion of unemployed males positively associated with BMI and morbid obesity. • Urbanization negatively associated with BMI and overweight. • Per capita income negatively associated with morbid obesity. • Among girls: • Percent white positively associated with BMI. • Per capita income positively associated with BMI and morbid obesity.

  15. Structural Contributors to ObesityWave 4, Girls, N: 230; Standardized Regr. Coeff.

  16. Structural Contributors to ObesityWave 4, Girls, N: 230; Standardized Regr. Coeff.

  17. Concluding Thoughts • Next steps: • Examine the influence of residential racial composition and per capita income across time. • Consider neighborhood food resources as a mediator of this relationship. • Food deserts versus Food oases. • Reconsider the question of “culture” as an explanatory mechanism. • Gender culture versus raceculture. • Favorite “hang out”

  18. Neighborhood Contexts and Obesity – FACHS (2004)

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